The main purpose of these interviews was to obtain their reaction to the model
results and incorporate the views of the operators in the calibration of the
simulation model. However, during these presentations, interviewees' further
comments and views on the policy proposals were also recorded.
Bus operators were presented with the workings of the models and results of the
modelling work. As described in the previous 2 chapters, the model is a simplified
version of reality and decisions would be made based on a number of other
parameters and considerations that were not included in the purely analytical
simulation models. It is noted that a number of the comments remain the same or
close to those from the first round of interviews, although more focused comments
were also recorded.
This second round of interviews enabled the bus operators to envisage their
possible reaction to a change in subsidy in the view of the financial impact on one
of their routes using their own cost and revenue data. They were asked to describe
any action they would take following the change in profits. They were then
presented with optimised profits under FDR and under IPP and invited to comment
on the conditions.
For the local authorities, the second round of interviews was an opportunity for
them to appreciate the scale of the effects on different types of bus services and to
formulate their views on the impact on the local bus market. They were given an
indication of the potential safety net that they might receive to support additional
tendered services.
On Decisions on Maintaining Route Operation
Considering the level of cross subsidy that exists at the moment, it was
emphasised by some operators that decisions are not taken at a route level basis
but their view on action in the context of a change in bus subsidy would be based
on the impact of the scheme across all services. This means that, in the short term,
these operators would examine total profits and establish the level of cross
subsidisation needed. If profits still remained after that, improvements could be
considered on the busy profitable routes and extra profits may be used to fund
quieter routes.
However, in the long term, decisions could be taken differently and the level of
cross subsidy could be reduced by de-registering services. Action could be taken
in five different ways: changing the fare, the frequency, the quality of the bus route,
and changing the route (splitting, cutting) or deregistering (at certain times of day
and days of the week).
Routes may be divided into three groups with respect to the reaction to
implementation of IPP:
- loss making routes that incur greater losses;
- profitable routes which become less profitable or possibly loss-making;
- profitable routes which become more profitable.
Loss Making Routes: Deregistering
On an already loss making route that is getting worse, without an overriding
strategy/plan or the need for the route to be maintained because it is an important
part of the network, the action from bus operators is likely to be to deregister the
service.
In the urban area, the local authority could envisage that more evening and
weekend services would be deregistered. In the rural area, where evening and
weekend services are already contracted, daytime services might be expected to
be withdrawn.
The safety net that might be available to support the additional tendered services
was calculated by a simple pro-rata basis related to the amount of FDR in the LA
area. Clearly, this would tend to favour an area with a greater predominance of
commercial services. Discussions with the LAs confirmed that this was the case,
the urban authority felt that the levels discussed were reasonable, comparable with
their existing budget. The rural authority, however, believed that the levels
discussed would make little impact on the services that would be required.
A particular point was made regarding the application of the subsidy to schools
travel, given that some pupils travel on contracts and others on public services.
The implied level of subsidy is extremely important, particularly in a rural area
where most passengers in peak hours are travelling to school for distances which
exceed the statutory limit.
Profitable Routes Which Become Less Profitable
The reaction of the bus operators would be to try to reduce costs on such routes.
The most common answer was to reduce mileage by eliminating marginal services
(evenings, weekends). In some cases, cutting a section of the route which is not
very busy might also be considered. Whilst this would not be popular with the
public and local politicians, it would have to be considered for the long term. In
addition, there may be some cases where operators will consider cutting daytime
frequencies, although due to the entry threats that operators face, this action may
only be actually implemented on a limited number of routes.
Another action would be to move towards more fuel-efficient vehicles. On marginal
routes it may be possible to use smaller vehicles to save costs fuel. But adjustment
to the bus fleet is unlikely to happen in the short to medium term.
Operators were also asked whether a possible response on such routes could be
increasing fares, assuming that demand on the route is inelastic in the short term.
Operators responded that they would not consider this because of the political
implications and because small operators could enter the market with cheaper
fares. Inter-urban and rural routes also have the highest fares already, so further
increases would not be acceptable to the public. Fare increases are considered
acceptable on a yearly basis and as a small percentage of the existing fare in order
to cover the increase in operating costs or when a significant improvement has
been made to the service. Therefore, increasing fares by substantially more than
the regular annual amounts was considered difficult to implement, and it was not
seen as a way of safeguarding the business in the long run. It was also noted that
patronage would reduce with higher fares, and that this be would be working
against the government's objective to increase patronage.
Answers differed with regards to the increase in demand resulting from quality
improvements. Some interviewees felt that there was no incentive to try to
increase demand by increasing quality as it was noted that significant increases in
demand through improving quality alone by the operators was unlikely. Others
noted that investment in new buses, bus stop environment and better information
has, in the past, lead to an increase in demand.
However, they all agreed that they needed to improve on profitability first before
increasing bus quality although these routes could indirectly benefit from the
change in subsidy that would accelerate investment on busy routes. For example,
new low floor buses on busy routes may eventually be transferred to these less
profitable routes when the vehicles are replaced.
Reducing fares or increasing frequency were not considered as likely to increase
profits, as interviewees felt that generated demand would not be sufficient to
compensate for lower fares or extra costs.
For some operators, especially those running urban routes via the city centre,
splitting such routes was not seen as a viable option to increase passenger
boardings. They felt there would be political implications in doing so, and that
regular customers would complain if they were asked to alight and re-board a
service and possibly pay two fares instead of a seamless journey that they now
undertake. Extra resources would also need to be provided by the operator to
implement and manage two separate services instead of one, for example.
However, other operators said that splitting routes might be considered to maximise
profits. A specific example was given of an interurban route that served several
areas of the town beyond the bus station on one end of the route. It was noted that
since the quality of the bus station was good, it could be a viable option to split the
route at the bus station, serving the other areas of town with a separate minibus
service (with potentially a lower frequency). These operators said that it would not
be seen as too difficult as most customers are used to changing services.
As for the loss-making routes, the local authorities anticipated the withdrawal of
evening and weekend services. They expressed a preference for operators to
cross-subsidise on a given route 'within the week', as opposed to cross subsidy
between routes. They felt that this clarified the distinction between commercial and
socially necessary routes, and made the tendering process more meaningful.
Profitable Routes Which Become More Profitable
As stated above, extra profits would not necessarily be directly re-invested as
expenditure would be based on the overall profitability of the network. If the
general picture showed increased profitability, operators could see that on busy
routes there would be an incentive to improve quality, increase frequency and
maybe then reduce fares or delay fare increases. These actions would be seen as
a 'reward' to existing passengers, rather than an incentive for new passengers.
Operators noted the need for the local authority to participate in route quality by
improving bus shelters and bus information. This is particularly an issue in outer
areas where the quality of the infrastructure was generally poor; this should be
addressed because this is where people begin their journeys.
The local authorities were concerned that additional profits on urban routes should
not simply disappear from the system, but should be seen to be ploughed back into
improved services. This was particularly the case where the LA was participating in
route quality by investing in infrastructure, but also when the additional profits
resulted from the change in subsidy system. They were anxious to see
partnerships or contracts which would deliver quality improvements and possibly
extension of the hours of 'commercial operation' (effectively a cross-subsidy within
a route).
Other possible actions such as changing fares, frequency or routes have already
been described for the previous category and apply to these routes in the same
way.
On Auditing and Fraud
The main issue raised in response to initial presentation of impact from the model
was uncertainty about the actual number of passengers using bus services. It is
felt that an accurate assessment of passenger levels is required, as any underestimate
would be a commercial risk, and in the absence of an accurate way of
establishing patronage the only alternative would be to over-count users. It would
be difficult to encourage drivers to provide accurate counts, given that they already
have enough responsibilities in addition to driving, and high turnover of drivers
makes training and consistency in recording difficult to implement.
Recording non-paying passengers was thought to be the main difficulty. The
example given and noted was with respect to school children boarding buses. Due
to the speed and the large numbers involved, accurate recording by the driver
could be very difficult. Consequently, drivers could be told to 'keep their fingers on
the button' when school children are boarding in order to prevent undercounting,
and that in areas where routes have marginal levels of profitability drivers would be
encouraged to count in a similar way to provide an over-estimate rather than underestimate
of patronage.
The interviewees noted that a high level of auditing would be required from the
local authorities as they would be likely to doubt figures produced by operators.
On Smartcards
All interviewees agreed that the only solution to the problem of recording
passengers accurately is the introduction of Smartcards. Half felt that they could
be a feasible option in about 3 to 5 years time. The others felt that there was no
business case for Smartcards in their area and would only consider them if there
was government funding to introduce a national bus Smartcards scheme.
It was also said that technology would need to be developed to prevent people
repeatedly getting on and off a bus with their cards to falsify passenger numbers,
and that some independent auditing would still be required to prevent Smartcards
misuse.
On Competition
Operators feel that the main likelihood of competition comes from small operators
who would recognise the benefits in competing with main operators on busy routes.
Head to head competition was considered undesirable because of the resulting
cost implications. However, one operator feared that this could happen and that
the change in subsidy could destabilise the bus industry.
It was felt that there could be some beneficial effects from small operators seeking
to serve niche markets, but this was not a universally held view.
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